Role of Academia and Universities in rebuilding of Afghanistan

Peace building, reconstruction and rebuilding communities in Afghanistan is a difficult task, particularly when finances, appropriate technologies and competent human resources are lacking. Afghanistan is suffering from the effects of three decades of war and successive regimes whose policies totally marginalized women and scholars. The feudal system and rigid traditions (stronger among some ethnic groups than others) present in Afghanistan, not to mention widespread corruption, nepotism and exclusive ethnicity have all played a role in curtailing freedom of thought, as well as  participatory and sustainable human development in the country. 

The three constitutional institutions - legislative, executive and judiciary – are in need of competent, ethical, committed people in higher positions. Over decades, higher education, scientific and social research have suffered tremendously and, consequently, have failed to provide the human resources required to fill leadership roles at various levels. Universities, educational institutions and centres of higher learning and research play an important role in promoting quality human resources, knowledge and competencies. After having visited various universities, one realises that outside assistance has been received and more has been promised. However, what is lacking is the effective management and sustainable development of these resources. There is ample evidence of such resources being wasted on cosmetics rather than being spent to develop real infrastructure. Instead of wasting so much money on exterior facades and heavy furniture, this assistance ought to be ploughed into much-needed laboratories, libraries, scientific and social research, and experimentation.

Experience suggests that the larger the university the greater the tendency to develop a larger, more rigid bureaucracy. Some universities may have more power sharing and, therefore, the authority and decision making may be adequately delegated. Yet others remain highly centrally controlled to the detriment of larger departmental participation and autonomy. It is vital to invest in developing competent and committed human resources, people  who will remain in Afghanistan and contribute to the country, people who will not run be lured away from the country for monetary gain and other incentives. Institutions of higher learning need to engage in well-thought-out experiments with learning and education which are contextually relevant and yet internationally-recognised.  

Universities and other learning institutions in Afghanistan must find their way by working diligently not to repeat the mistakes of educational institutes and universities in other parts of the world.

It is imperative that governments at the provincial and national level assess the status of higher education and give it a high priority, along with primary education. Instead of mere political promises made without considering the consequences it is crucial that, in the next ten to fifteen years, Afghanistan establish well-planned universities in each province. These universities will help to alleviate the pressure on the few that currently exist. Any new universities should also include plans for dormitory facilities for girls and boys to study. These universities must formulate courses dealing with the following areas: social diversity and inclusion; conflict; violence and peace; gender equality; rural development; environment; as well as other subjects relevant to the socio-economic, cultural and political situation in Afghanistan.

Private learning institutions are also beginning to establish themselves in Afghanistan. With that comes the real danger, as has been the experience elsewhere, that education will become a commodity for sale, making it available  only to those who can afford it while depriving those who cannot of access to a quality education. Universities and institutions of higher learning must avoid becoming influenced by manipulative politics and politicians. Violence, including gender-based violence, does currently exist in the universities of Afghanistan. Often fingers are pointed at the rich and powerful, including the warlords, for this violence. The warlords and their affiliates have done enough harm to the people of Afghanistan. They must now spare education and educational institutions from their coercive power, corruption and nepotism. If not, then there is little hope left for this country. 

In Afghanistan there are various groups and universities from abroad that offer academic courses and training for students and staff of universities. By and large these courses/training are designed in such a way that they do not financially burden the universities, students or staff. But in spite of this, an unfortunate tradition has emerged. In order to attend these academic sessions, students and staff expect to have their transportation expenses paid as if they were doing a favour for the providers. This custom provides an unhealthy incentive and in the long run will not help motivate students and staff to take responsibility for their own development. This practice must end.

Countries such as India, which offer 500 scholarships every year for a bachelor’s degree for Afghan students, must also consider providing scholarships for research and doctoral degrees to deserving students in Afghanistan. However, a word of caution is needed here. If this is not carefully managed, many of these scholarships will go to the rich and influential while competent and deserving candidates will be left out. Nepotism is nothing new in South Asia, and Afghanistan's institutions of higher learning are no exception. 

In order for the policies and programmes designed and implemented by government and other agencies to be more informed and effective, universities, research organisations and academia must collectively do their bit. They must endeavour to carry out research at various levels and provide useful data and analysis to assist in these efforts. Inclusive and sustainable development requires sustained research in a variety of sectors. Higher education with a strong research base coupled with policy advocacy will be invaluable tools in helping to rebuild Afghanistan.

This article appeared in Afghanistan Times, Kabul, 30^th May 2010:2

James C. Dabhi

Visiting professor at Bamiyan and Herat Universities.

Kabul - Afghanistan.

jimmydabhi@gmail.com

Bribe and corruption violate people’s right to development in Afghanistan

Bribe and corruption violate people’s right to development in Afghanistan

This article is published in Afghan Online Press, on 20^th July 2010, (http://www.aopnews.com/opinion/ dabhi_corruption.shtml)

Bribe and corruption are not new to south Asian countries; Afghanistan may be topping the list. Some may say it is a way of life here. Bribe and corruption are haraam (an Arabic term meaning forbidden) but people in power and position thrive on it.

Afghan and foreign officials have been under attack for being corrupt. There have been public charges blaming each other for the rampant corruption surrounding aid spending. Afghan officials say most of the corruption is due to the fact that foreign contractors and NGOs control the aid. Afghan Justice Minister Habibullah Ghalib recently told reporters in Kabul, "The foreigners come here and wipe their dirty hands on our clean clothes." But international officials generally defend the foreign NGOs' record and transparency. They argue that the international aid is generally well spent and there are good audit controls in place to ensure that it meets the needs of the people.

Eliminating corruption has become the top priority for the government in Afghanistan and it will be an issue discussed in Kabul conference. The agenda if translated into to action has a huge political and economic implication for those who reap the benefits of corruption (in Afghanistan and outside). Therefore scepticism among the masses about the political-will of the higher ups in implementing the agenda is understandable.

According to a recent survey by Integrity Watch Afghanistan, the average Afghan household pays out an estimated $100 US in petty bribes every year. With approximately 70 percent of the population surviving on less than $1 US per day, the burden on families is enormous. A staggering sum of $100-250 million USD is paid in bribes every year. To put it in relevant terms, this is equivalent to half the national development budget for 2006. Rupert Colville of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights reported, “The main conclusion is that the abuse of power is the key driver of poverty in Afghanistan”. The report says the majority of Afghans live in poverty despite the fact that some $35 billion US (£23 billion) in aid was poured into the country between 2002 and 2009. The BBC online news reported that "widespread corruption further limits access to services for a large proportion of the population". It blames Afghan officials for advancing their own interests at the expense of the general public.

Kai Eide, the new UN Special Representative in Afghanistan, said at an event, "Corruption in Afghanistan is endemic, it hurts the poorest people disproportionately, pushes people away from the state and undermines our joint efforts to build peace, stability and progress for Afghanistan's peoples.” He also went on to say that government corruption must be tackled from the bottom up with the people, Afghan civil society and the media having a crucial role in supporting government efforts.

Widespread corruption is systemic, structurally deep rooted and has gone unchallenged for years. It is systemic and structural because it not simply a few individuals taking bribes, but the entire governmental structure seems to be operating using bribes, whether it is the legislature, bureaucracy or judiciary. To illustrate the extent of the corruption,  in 2008 Toronto Star columnist Rosie DiManno quoted Attorney General Abdul Jabar Sabet as saying: “They are in the central government, the provincial governments, the district centres, police stations, army garrisons, the banks, the aid agencies – not a sector of Afghan society is without contamination of corruption”.

No doubt there are a few people in the system who refuse to take bribes. But the refusal of a few, though courageous and praiseworthy, will not have much of an overall impact or bring about the desired reform.

Corrupt leaders and people of position in the system are much more dangerous than a police officer asking for a couple of dollars at the airport check-in or low-ranking official asking for a few hundred Afghanis to move your file up. Many of us get annoyed and shout at these small fry and often ignoring the big guns who are the main culprits. Those in high places have money, arms and connections, so people naturally fear for their lives when it comes to challenging high-level corruption.

Government knows who is engaging in corrupt behaviour, but it will not be easy for it to take these people to task. After all, it is difficult to hurt one’s own, isn't it? Corrupt enemies can be easily targeted, but what about friends who are corrupt? These are the ones you call upon when you need a favour.  To eliminate a person is no big deal in this part of the world and it can easily be covered up with a bribe. Exposing these people through print and electronic media requires tremendous courage. It is a risky business but are there other options?

Democracy is still young in Afghanistan and not adequately comprehended by a larger population; and politicians and bureaucrats are no exception. By and large the politics here is feudal, patriarchal, concentrated with the elite class and family network. A political system based on ideology and development discourse has yet to emerge. For a civil society to flourish it must be nurtured in a democratic climate which at the moment is largely hyped by the international community in Afghanistan. This civil society barely exists in this country, and where it does it is weak.  Academia is not free from corruption and nepotism either, and those in academic circles often lack the courage, commitment and leadership required to address these issues.

The civil society and the news media can be a big help in fighting corruption that is if the state allows sufficient freedom to these entities to play their role. But when the state players have such a stake in the bribery and corruption, why would they want to allow civil society and the media to be the spoiler? The media and civil society will have to begin to realise that rights are often not freely given, but have to be taken. Unless these actors collectively exercise their right to expose corruption and pursue follow up, hardly anything will change and the masses will continue to suffer.

Academia can help in the process of transformation of the country but then academia and educational institutions need to act without engaging in what is called party politics. They cannot remain apolitical and mute spectators. They need to provide some leadership through their research-based data through seminars, workshops and campaign against corruption nationwide. Let their studies support the civil society in highlighting the nature of corruption that exists and how it has violated the right to development of the masses here in Afghanistan

Unless ordinary Afghan women and men make their voices heard, corruption and nepotism will persist. In the process, hundreds of millions of dollars will be siphoned off in corruption, money that was intended for the development of the people of Afghanistan.    

Dr. James C. Dabhi

Visiting Professor at Herat and Bamiyan Universities

Kabul – Afghanistan

jimmydabhi@gmail.com