Women’s Empowerment - Do
NGOs help? By Jimmy Dabhi
Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) are not a
coherent category of organisations. Literally, NGO would mean any organisation,
which is not governmental but directly under the government control. This would
include profit and non-profit organisations, religious and political
organisations and organisations with right and left wing ideologies. Therefore,
not all NGOs are capable of or/and are interested in empowering the
marginalised and women in particular. The reasons for NGO existence, the
mindset of people within the organisation and the development discourse that
exists therein become important because it determines their commitment, the
approach and the engagement.
For our purpose the
non-governmental organizations are not-for-profit agencies, not affiliated to
any government or private sector entity, devoted to managing resources and
implementing projects with the goal of addressing social problems, development,
empowerment and human rights issues. They may receive some public funding (see http://www.ecodirectory.org/categories.php).
In the following section I have
dealt with roots and orientation of NGOs at some length and at the risk of
being unfair to my treatment of core subject – women’s empowerment in terms of
space allotted. I take the risk because for understanding the NGOs, their
inspirational roots and approaches is crucial in the era of privatisation where
some NGOs are willing to play the godmother and letting off the government of
its constitutional responsibility.
Roots of NGOs
The ambiguity of roots and
motives exists in NGOs. For example, in India one finds NGOs, which are not
for profit and promoted by various political parties or leaders. There are
NGOs, which are promoted by retired bureaucrats and who continue to use their
influence for resource mobilisation from government agencies. Yet there are
NGOs, which are promoted by the private sector and involved in community
development. There is a critique that some of these extended social service
NGOs affiliated to corporate sector are often for tax evasion besides adhering
to demanded social responsibility.
The historical reasons of mushrooming of the NGOs in the past three
decades or so are many. For example - the freedom and social reform movements,
Gandhian tradition and the tradition of civic action in India , which goes back to more than
a century, various religious traditions such as the liberation theology and the
1970s Jesuits inspired NGOs (Dabhi, 2003).
Other reasons include unemployment among the educated middle class, high
castes, delusion from political process and promises, government development
programs (Sen, 1992; Sheth & Shethi, 1991; Fisher, 1993; Dabhi, 2004). The
new economic policy, liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation have
reduced the role of the government and NGOs are encouraged. Many NGOs, network,
research institutes and centres have emerged due to funding opportunities from
the government, UN agencies, foreign donors, World Bank and other Foundations. Some suggest that in India ,
the element of availability of government as well as foreign funding plays an
important role in the establishment of NGOs (Pandey, 1991; Tondon, 1989).
Failure of market especially in terms of people having
no buying capacity for their basic needs and government failure in terms of
ensuring basic human needs (stipulated by the country) and welfare services
(Bhatt, 1987; Sheth and Shethi, 1991; Sen, 1992) may be considered yet another
factor in the creation of voluntary agencies, as "market-government theory
suggests that when both market and government fail to provide needed services,
the non-profit sector develops" (Winkle, 1990). The failure of the State
in protecting basic needs and human rights of its citizens lead to the
formation of NGOs. For instance - the Constitution of India has abolished
untouchability but in practice it exists all over the country, the land reforms
have hardly been implemented in the absence of ‘political will’ (see Baxi 1994,
Khan, 1995, Dabhi, 2004).
The
other major factor in the establishment of NGOs in some of our Third World
countries including India
as I have argued elsewhere (Dabhi, 2003) is the charismatic leadership (Bhat,
1989; Pandey, 1991, Sen, 1992; Fisher, 1993; Clark, 1991). Their previous
experience, political, bureaucratic and caste, class association, enthusiasm,
commitment to the objective, public profile (Connor, 1992; Sills, 1980), and
their ability to mobilise domestic and foreign funds matter a great deal in the
establishment of a new organisation. I have argued elsewhere (Dabhi, 2005:28)
“There has been an emergence of a great number of NGOs headed by people with
various ideologies and needs, finding this platform to fulfil their needs and
aspirations such as power, employment, a mass base to enter politics …”. This
leadership has often emerged from various kinds of people and professional
groups, playing a significant role in establishing some of the NGOs. In India
such leadership has also helped in setting up a chain of NGOs all headed by
husband, wife and other family members. Some of them in some way are like the
private sector - family owned and managed organisations.
Natural and manmade disasters (Bhopal gas tragedy, Latur, Kutch and Kashmir earthquakes,
Tsunami), a number of communal riots, and the recent State sponsored carnage
like that of Gujarat, have in the last three decades cost India many lives and much property.
Human response to these situations and circumstances has exhibited the goodwill
of people from all walks of life. But
unfortunately, it has also revealed the social discrimination and biases that
exists in our society. However, amidst all
this, some groups have transcended
their religious differences and established informal groups with formal NGOs to help the victims, create
awareness, work for human rights and bring harmony (not without justice) among
all communities in different states of India.
Yet another factor is the availability of
required resources like committed people to give their time and energy for the
cause, finance, infrastructure like office, and technology. An altruistic
motive of enhancement of one's country and its people has motivated many
individuals and groups to do something for the people who are economically,
socially and politically marginalised (Dabhi, 2003).
Last but not least, there is
realisation that a systematic organisational response is needed, beyond
individual and family, in order to meet the need effectively. It is argued that
the "needs and aspirations of human beings are the reasons for organised
effort in the society" (French and Bell, 1990:49).
It is difficult to gauge
which factors are strong and which are not but they do colour the nature and
approach of the kind of work that NGOs do and also how they will do.
Orientation of NGOs
The orientation, the direction and
the goal (mission) of any organisation is determined by its needs and the needs
of the communities/service users/consumers that the organisation wants to
satisfy or/ and work with. The social needs of the people will depend on the
historical context and in return influence the role that the NGOs can play - "The NGO sectors in different
countries have developed widely differing characteristics according to the
history of the state, the amount of development assistance received and the gap
perceived in public service provision" (Farrigton & Lewis, 1993:30).
It is suggested (Singh, 2005:229), “Strictly speaking, the NGOs are more
involved in the welfare and development work, but the social action groups are
more interested in social action”.
The NGO leadership, its staff and
volunteers look at and interpret reality, social problems differently; and
attribute different cause-effect analysis to the situation that exists and is
evolving. The development discourse of NGOs is not the same even if they are
called development and empowerment NGOs. It is suggested that the NGOs and even
action groups do not have the same or
similar kind of ideology and work ethics (Singh, 2005). The NGOs have different
approaches to development often depending on their top leadership (see Dabhi,
2004) leaning towards ‘right’, ‘centre’ or the ‘left’. The discourse and the
ideology do not necessarily translate into matching action as there is always a
disparity between the stated and actual goals among organisations and NGOs are
no exception.
The inspiration, the historical
roots, the context and motives of the founders of NGOs and top leadership are
the determinant factors in the involvement and interventions of these organisations
in the lives of the people/community they work for or work with.
Some of the NGOs, which have emerged
with a clear vision and mission of empowering the downtrodden and taking a
stand for them, have responded to the violation of human rights against the
vulnerable groups and communities. For others, any engagement and intervention
that demands confrontation with the establishment and powers that are, do not
fall in their purview of involvement Many NGOs are fully involved in activities related to the
development of the poor and marginalised but shy away in taking a clear
stand against violators. Very few will
condemn openly the crimes against these communities or take a stand against the
people concerned. It is common knowledge that a couple of internationally known
NGOs chose to be silent even in the face of violence against the minorities in Gujarat in 2002.–SEWA was one of them.
Some NGOs raise a lot of hue and cry
in the wake of violence and atrocities against the marginalised communities, in
preparation and during various events, parliament sessions, etc. Take for
example our ‘morchas’ — (protest marches), their leaders make emotional
speeches, which may be useful, temporarily but unless they are followed
through, one fails to respond to crimes and atrocities adequately (Dabhi,
2004).The NGOs that are involved in welfare or just development activities with
no intention of changing the power structure and social order in favour of the
poor will not easily respond to the crime and atrocities and related issues.
Conflict with the government, donors and vested interests whether caste, class,
or/and religion is something they would like to avoid, of course with due
justification.
It is argued that organizations
including social organisations like development NGOs are not totally autonomous
entities pursuing desired ends at their own discretion. Rather, organizations
are constrained by the environment as a consequence of their resource needs.
The resource dependence perspective of Pfeffer and Salancik (1978), maintains
that organisations depend on external organisations for resources. It is,
therefore, argued that a potential side effect of goal displacement occurs when
goals and activities are modified to satisfy the wishes of contributors, individuals
and organisations. Goal displacement is an obvious danger that NGOs face. Those
NGOs, which enjoy the government, caste, religious and political patronage,
would hardly get involved in issues, which would jeopardise or threaten their
relationship to financial resources, and their survival.
If we look at organisations as
problem solving (Billis 1984), then what
Fisher (1993) indicates seems appropriate. He suggests three main problems
round which the development of NGOs' role rotates --- poverty, environmental
degradation, and population growth. We can add to the list of problems today –
human rights violation, growing intolerance of other religions, cultures,
fundamentalism, socio-economic discrimination of various communities and groups
based on caste, sex, religion and regions, conflict and violence,
criminalisation of politics, etc. We must note that these problems are
interlinked but the directions of causality are complex and multidimensional.
Now the response to each of these problems will determine varied roles for the
NGOs working in that direction. However, I would like to argue that responding
to the problems is not the only motive of the NGOs. Survival, legitimacy,
publicity, visibility, conflict avoidance and funding opportunities, orientation
of the leadership are other factors that influence the kind of roles that NGOs play and the responses they make.
Expansion in size and the diversification has led NGOs
to move to what may be called the ‘non- controversial’ areas of operation- like
‘education’ and ‘health’. In a study of NGOs (BSC, 1998) the percentages of
organizations, which have cited general or non-controversial activities, are
much higher than those, which have cited ‘specialized’ or controversial
activities. Education and vocational training (73.96%), health (73.49%),
alleviation of poverty (61.19%) and environment action (66.67%) are the
‘general’ and ‘non-controversial’ activities that engage the highest number of
NGOs. When it comes to controversial
activities like countering injustice and atrocities or gender issues based
action or advocacy, the percentage of organizations is reduced.
In the complex civil society and development NGO
scenario, it is not easy to understand the role of NGOs and women’s
empowerment. There are many NGOs
including women headed NGOs, which are engaged in the process of women’s
empowerment. The reasons could be many and often missed. After the Sixth Five
Year Plan the Indian
State has provided
greater scope for NGOs to implement various social development plans including
National Policy of Women 2001. Another reason cited can be what is called ‘NGOisation of feminism’ (see
Chaudhari, 2004:xxxviii), where gender studies and work related to gender
justice is often projected as a viable professional and well paying option,
especially in some big NGOs or funding NGOs. Like the large number of
development NGOs headed by men in India these NGO heads are also women from so
called high caste, high class and from so called ‘majority religion’ community
(also see BSC, 1998).
There are a number of networks of
NGOs that have emerged in the last decade especially based in Delhi . They are either issue based or focused
on a particular group or community such as women, Dalits, Adivasis, children,
unorganised labourers, slum dwellers, etc. These networks are often managed by
the Delhi based
NGOs and leadership coming together for some events. A few of these networks
are very participatory, democratic and down up while others are very top down
and Delhi based
leadership and NGO driven. The issues these network advocate for and follow up,
often depend on the leadership of the network and their rootedness in people’s
struggle at grassroots. Some of the networks and NGO efforts are fragmented for
various reasons weakening the struggle for empowerment of weaker sections
especially women.
The above discussion makes it amply
clear that NGOs have their own inspirational and existential roots and reasons
and these roots and reasons often personalised in their leaders influence the
approach and the orientation NGOs have. Therefore, gender justice, equality,
and empowerment may not be the direct or
indirect focus of many of the NGOs.
The following section highlights two
aspects of development and empowerment, which contribute to women’s
psycho-socio and economic disempowerment and enslavement. Ideological
underpinning and development discourse of the NGOs become important
consideration to be engaged in women’s empowerment.
Women’s empowerment
A word of caution – no one
empowers anyone, we empower ourselves. Many years ago, Julius Nyerere said, "People are not developed,
they develop themselves" (The Hindu, 27th April 2003 ). Unfortunately this
wisdom bypasses many of us and we become
saviour and messiah of people,. Empowerment, therefore, is closely associated with humanisation, values
and attitudes, which enhances human life within and around. Therefore, it seems
to me that empowerment must be understood as a process of facilitating or
accompanying others and not as an act of supplying power. Otherwise, it would
appear like ‘banking’ education’ to use Freire’s terminology where imparting
knowledge is an act of charity to those who are considered ignorant - where an
“i know everything, you know nothing” attitude is exhibited (Dabhi, 1999). If
we agree that empowerment is a process then we must accept that a process
cannot be static; it has to be dynamic. This consideration may have a
significant impact on the empowerment pedagogy. The static understanding of
empowerment has the danger of overlooking the significance of historical
changes in the factors that determine social, political and economic power. It
is, therefore, more accurate to consider this a dynamic process - "in
relative terms as a variable position upon a continuumneously empowered and
disempowered in relation to various other groups or individuals"
(Meintjes, 1997).
We,
the civil society therefore create and promote an environment which facilitates
empowerment of those who have been robbed, deprived and excluded from the processes
of development and empowerment. Women do not need others to empower them. They have been
objectified enough, they are subjects and an environment is required where
their subjectivity is enhanced and affirmed.
The idea and concept of empowering others especially the Dalit and
Adivasi women invites and endorses patriarchal and varna ideologies and
the mindset of higher and lower, givers and receivers, superior humans and
lesser humans.
Therefore,
we will attempt here to highlight areas and issues that hinder the process of
empowerment.
Enslavement – psycho-social
and economic
“Without
going into either the ethics or the necessities of the case, we have reached so
much common ground: the female of genus homo is supported by the male. Whereas,
in other species of animals, male and female alike graze and browse, hunt and
kill, climb, swim, dig, run, and fly for their livings, in our species the
female does not seek her own living in the specific activities of our race, but
is fed by the male” (Gilman, 1998). [1]
Empowerment
becomes necessary because human beings are enslaved in spite of the desire and
aspiration to be free, to live a meaningful, dignified and healthy life.
Enslavement can be described in various terms and contexts – political
(colonisation), economic (employment dependency), social (domination and
followership), psychological (low self image/ esteem), ideological (dogmatism),
physical (imprisoned, prevention of movement), etc. Enslavement does not only
affect the external, the physical but it impacts the internal, the psyche, and
the human mindset. Enslavement dehumanises the enslaver and the enslaved, the
exploiter and the exploited. Therefore, both are in need of empowerment and
humanisation – the approach, emphasis, priority and preference will differ. We
shall look at a few of the phenomena, which enslave women.
Social enslavement -
ideologies, mindset and socialisation process
Meaning
system is important for living meaningful life. In many ways ideologies provide
meaning, motivation and ways to behave and live in society. In India ,
caste we are born into, sex difference we are born with, and certain
religio-culture beliefs and environment we are brought up with. It may be
difficult to alter your birth or the sex you are born with – it is given, i.e.
biological. But what follows is social construct, human made to be more precise
man made.
Ideologies
such as caste, gender, patriarchy and class influence and shape the individual
and groups’ worldview, perception of self and others, the way they relate and
the behaviour including work place. These ideologies are discriminatory and
discrimination is based on the assumed superiority (along with privileges) of
the one against the inferiority of the other. For example woman being inferior
to man, Adivasi, Dalit and poor Muslim inferior to the socalled high caste
Hindus. On this is built the edifice of inequality, injustice, and oppression.
I have argued (Dabhi, 2005b) elsewhere that ideologies are discriminating,
falsely defining who is and who is not a person (a white man, a high caste is
person; a woman, a Dalit, an Adivasi or a Muslim woman is not), what is good
and what is not good (what men, so called high caste do is good, the others
cannot do anything which is good); what is possible and what is not (therefore
Dalits cannot become high caste, women cannot become men, the nearest thing
they can do is to imitate the behaviour of those who are superior to them - so
sanskritistion and women behaving like machos but remain in their boundary in their
dharma, apni aukat nahin bhulna hai).
These
ideologies place people, communities in hierarchical order and maintain these
harsh and oppressive hierarchies by means of a complex combination of custom,
functionality and religious belief (Chitnis, 2004). The religious discourse of karma
and dharma applies to both caste and gender. The scriptures
(Manu-smriti) distinguished between the twice-born castes (the so called upper
castes) on the one hand and women and shudras (including the ‘avarna’ -
the ‘atisudra’) on the other. Women and shudras were regarded as
life-long slaves from birth to death, with slavery inborn in them (Franco and
Sarvar, 1989). These ideologies with backing of tradition (glorified past) and
religion have promoted and perpetuated gender discrimination. It is always the
poor, children and women who face the brunt of discrimination and not the top
class and top castes. People like Buddha and Guru Govind fought against some of
the anti-women, anti-poor and anti-human elements in these ideologies and
practices; unfortunately some of the followers of these noble human beings
practice the opposite. Let me cite an example of how evil these ideologies can
be for those who face triple exploitation and discrimination because they are
poor, they are avarna (outcaste) and they are women. The scriptures
claim, that for a ‘low’ caste woman to be sexually used by a ‘high’ caste man
is the equivalent of going on a pilgrimage and bring her a step closer to moksha
(see Franco and Sarvar, 1989).
A mindset has to do with the way we perceive
and respond to people and environment. The mindset of a person or people is
associated with the process of socialization which is learning values, norms,
language, and behaviour needed to function in a group or society. Socialization
agents often include mass media, parents, peers, school, places of worship, and
festivals. Socialisation of a kind promotes a mindset; a bias against women in
the form of symbols (words and action) to perpetual male domination. Bourdieu,
the French sociologist arguing that capital underpinning of all forms of power,
whether they are material, cultural, social, or symbolic suggests, “Individuals
and groups draw upon a variety of cultural, social, and symbolic resources in
order to maintain and enhance their positions in the social order” (Swartz,
1997:73).
Empowerment
is closely related to women’s autonomy and her rights as an individual person
and not as wife, daughter, in-law or just another woman of the community, clan
and caste. It is rightly argued that “the questions of women’s autonomy were
historically subsumed within question of religion, community, and personal law
and hardly ever treated as a matter of either individual right or justice.
Autonomy for women thus remained hostage to community rights (Banerjee,
2005:49).
Girls
and women continue to be killed before they are born, immediately after birth
or through neglect in the first few years of their lives and after marriage if
they do not fetch fat dowries, thanks to the ideologies and mindset that we
have developed over the centuries.
Number of Suicides by Women (Dowry Dispute) in
|
||
|
2002
|
2003
|
|
2378
|
2347
|
Source: Rajya Sabha Starred Question
No. 326, dated on 17.08.2005
|
As many
as 100,000 Indian women die each year from pregnancy-related causes. The use of
medical technology to determine the sex of a fetus is on the rise in India, and
over 90 per cent of fetuses that are
aborted are female (The world Bank, 1996). More than 10m female births in India
may have been lost to abortion and sex selection in the past 20 years,
according to medical research (BBC News, January 9th 2006 ). Researchers in India and Canada for the Lancet journal said
prenatal selection and selective abortion was causing the loss of 500,000 girls
a year.
Number
of Bodies Registered, Court /Police Cases and Machines Seized/ Sealed under
Pre-conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition of Sex
Selection) Act 1994, in
|
|||
|
No. of Bodies Registered
|
No. of Court/Police Cases
|
No. of Machines
Seized/Sealed |
|
26199
|
303
|
33
|
The sex
ratio has improved marginally, from 927 women to 1,000 men in 1991 to 933 women
to 1,000 men in 2001. But this is nothing to get excited about; in 1981, there
were 934 women. And at the turn of the century, there were 972 women to 1,000
men. So we still have not caught up (The Hindu, April 08, 2001 ). Another area of focus is
suicides. Housewives accounted for 52 per cent of the total female suicide
cases. Married women account for 66.6 per cent (The Hindu, September 01, 2002 ).
Consider
for instance an incendiary argument made by the economist Amartya Sen in 1990.
In an essay in the New York Review of Books, Sen claimed
that there were some 100 million "missing women" in Asia .
While the ratio of men to women in the West was nearly even, in countries like China , India ,
and Pakistan ,
there were far more men than women. Sen
charged these cultures with gravely mistreating their young girls—perhaps by
starving their daughters at the expense of their sons or not taking the girls
to doctors when they should have. Although Sen did not say so, there were other
sinister possibilities. Were the missing women a result of selective abortions?
Female infanticide? A forced export of prostitutes?[2]
“Women's bodies have become part of the
terrain of conflict”, according to a new report by Amnesty International. Rapes of women whether during war,
caste violence, is in some way articulation of these ideologies affirming the
domination of men of victorious armies, high castes and elite over the
communities by humiliating the communities and women. Gita Sahgal of
Amnesty International said “Rape
is often used in ethnic conflicts as a way for attackers to perpetuate their
social control and redraw ethnic boundaries”. (BBC News World Edition, December
8th, 2004 ).
Month-wise Atrocities
Complaints Received Against
Women by National Commission for Women in |
|||||||||||||
|
Jan-
04 |
Feb-
04 |
Mar-
04 |
Apr-
04 |
May-
04 |
Jun-
04 |
Jul-
04 |
Aug-
04 |
Sep-
04 |
Oct-
04 |
Nov-
04 |
Dec-
04 |
Total
|
|
510
|
397
|
215
|
453
|
328
|
477
|
502
|
483
|
570
|
522
|
448
|
848
|
5753
|
Source: Lok Sabha Unstarred
Question No. 49, dated on 01.03.2005.
Year: Period of fiscal year in
1990-91 relates to April 1990 to March 1991. |
Two major
responsibilities subscribed to women and which also cause difficulty to women
are child bearing, child rearing and other household work combined with work
other than production processes and responsibilities. This accounts for the
great length of a woman’s non-paid working day. Part of these responsibilities
has to be shared by young girls. The other difficulty is women’s lack of access
to and control over property and income. This makes them very vulnerable when
their husbands/partners leave them.
Dietrich (2001), argues that these difficulties are ideologically
sanctified and by social conventions which maintain that women ‘belong’ to the
house’. The ideology and socialisation also reinforces the belief that women
need men’s protection, women are not complete without men in their lives and
that women are women’s worst enemies.
Therefore,
ideologies and the mindset supported and furthered through socialisation of
individuals and communities enslave women and rob them of their dignity, status
and power.
Economic enslavement
History has shown us that those –
communities and nations, who are enslaved, are an easy prey to economic
exploitation. Colonisation and enslaving the natives under their rule of thumb
had robbed people and nations of their human dignity, and resources for the
benefit of the colonial empire be that British, Portuguese, French or Italian.
Psychosocial enslavement is also fostered through economic dependence.
The
majority of the 1.5 billion people living on one dollar a day or less are
women. In addition, the gap between women and men caught in the cycle of
poverty has continued to widen in the past decade, a phenomenon commonly
referred to as "the feminisation of poverty". Women worldwide, earn
on an average slightly more than 50 per cent of what men earn[3].
“Poverty is not only about shortage of money. It is about rights and
relationships; about how people are treated and how they regard themselves;
about powerlessness, exclusion and loss of dignity. Yet the lack of an adequate
income is at its heart” (ILO, 2003).
Gendered poverty affects household
as a whole, and strengthens gender division of labour and responsibilities for
household welfare. Women bear a disproportionate burden, attempting to manage
household consumption and production under conditions of increasing scarcity.
Women's poverty is directly related to the absence of economic opportunities
and autonomy, lack of access to economic resources, including credit, land
ownership and inheritance, lack of access to education and support services and
their minimal participation in the decision-making process. Poverty can also
force women into situations in which they are vulnerable to sexual
exploitation.
In India ,
those who are poor are also those who are socially marginalised and excluded –
the tribals, dalits, other backward
castes and communities and in particular women from among these groups. Basic
education and health help create an environment to promote self-esteem,
awareness, and human resource capacitating livelihood opportunities as well as
assessing the opportunities available. The poor and women among them are
deprived of basic education and health making them vulnerable to not only
psychosocial but economic exploitation as well.
Women are not excluded from economy or market-economy
but do not benefit from either though they contribute much. Women are
integrated into ‘trade’ physically when it comes to marketing consumer goods or
marketing the female body as a consumer item (Dietrich 2001). Poverty
compels both women and men to take up any available worm even when it is demeaning
and discriminating. Helplessness and economic dependency makes women’s position
very vulnerable at workplace and with employers often giving into the
exploitative demands of the employers and men around. Even when they are in
organised sector the trade unions are relatively insensitive to women’s needs
(Chitnis, 2004).
Most of the adults spend
almost one-third of their working lifetime in organised or unorganised sectors.
Women often spend more time at workplace than men because of their social (single,
divorced, abandoned) and economic status (economically poor, bonded
labourer, being the only source of
income as the husband/partner is alcoholic, sick).The study suggests there are
40 million bonded labourers of which many are children and women (National
Human Rights Commission, 2004).
Ninety-six per cent of children who work and sleep on the streets are
migrants, about half of them are girls aged between 8 and 14 (WCAR). The gender disparities in economic
powersharing whether within the house, at workplace or at the places and in
institutions of policy- making, governance and implementation are also an
important contributing factor to the poverty of women.
Caste system and patriarchal traditions have
socially and economically deprived women of their rights over property and
income in spite of their share in it. In India most women are unwilling to
assert their rights in a way that estranges them not just from their family but
also from their larger kinship group and community (Chitnis, 2004:31). The fear
of isolation with one’s own paralysis women from struggling for their right and
keeps them enslaved. Globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation have
opened up opportunities for some through the market economy but a large section
of society including women have to face the brunt of the evils of this economy
where the State becomes subservient to profit oriented market. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) style and World Bank supported
economic adjustment to curtail public spending has an adverse effect on the
poor in developing countries like India . ‘The reduction of subsidies
to basic amenities such as sanitation and water supply, public health
facilities has not only reduced wage-earners’ household incomes, but has put an
extra burden on women’ (Gosh 2001: 90). Liberalised economy has not liberated
women. On the contrary, data suggests that it has further enslaved them –
growing disparities seems to be the hallmark of globalisation (John, 2004).
In the era of globalisation and liberalisation the Indian economy is
being opened up to the international market leading to ‘jobless growth’, a widening of the gap between the rich and the poor
The role of the state has been reduced and the 350 million poorest people of
India and a large majority of women among them are unlikely to benefit from the
reforms ( see PISA, 2003; Dabhi, 2005). Gosh (2005:296) argues “greater
integration of national economies through trade and investment organised along
capitalist lies has dramatically decreased the bargaining power of workers
across the world” and thus women workers are further made powerless
economically. Theories
and critique of Karl Marx and Max Webber still hold relevance to our work
place; labour and organisation as they alienate and discriminate women (see
Fincham and Rhodes, 1992). Further, “Labour and division of labour in almost
all sectors - agriculture, industry (machine, chemical, knowledge, information,
transport, navigation, aviation, etc), service, defence, education, health,
finance, etc is gendered” (Dabhi, 2005). It is also argued
that globalisation of trade (not labour) is basically a takeover of the rights
of citizens by multinational corporations through dismantling of the structures
of the state that protect people. He goes on to say, “It is, therefore leading
to less freedom for people, but more freedom for capital” (Kumar, 2004:79).
The increase in migration is closely related to employment opportunities and lack
of it. It is considerable, from 1991
(232,112,973 persons) to 2001 (312,735,593 persons). The increase has gone up
by 34.7 per cent, of which 14.7 per cent is for work and employment (Census of
India 2001). Along with development and wealth
creation for a few, these ‘development projects’ have displaced millions of
people. The kind of life of the people who have migrated to towns and cities is
appalling. A large number of those who have migrated and are staying in the
slums live in huts which does not protect them from rain, winter and summer
heat leave alone providing some privacy to the parents and grown- up children.
Women and children victims of migration and displacement
are not only displaced from their habitat, but also become vulnerable to
exploitation of all types. Further, migration and consequent changes in family structures have
placed additional burdens on women, especially those who provide for several
dependants.
An economic growth is not a sufficient
statistic for evaluating welfare or human development precisely because it
ignores the distribution of income generated by growth (HDR, 2005). Therefore,
it does not in itself guarantee social justice. Women are the worst victims of
social justice violation. The Human Development Index
(HDI) encompasses the three important dimensions of income, education and
health. Reduced
state
interventions and lack of money to buy these services makes empowerment of poor
women a distant dream.
Literacy Rates (%) of Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes in
|
|||||||||
Year
|
General Population
|
Scheduled Castes
|
Scheduled Tribes
|
||||||
Male
|
Female
|
Total
|
Male
|
Female
|
Total
|
Male
|
Female
|
Total
|
|
1991
|
64.13
|
39.29
|
52.21
|
49.91
|
23.76
|
37.41
|
40.65
|
18.19
|
29.6
|
2001
|
75.85
|
54.16
|
65.38
|
66.38
|
41.44
|
54.34
|
59
|
34.42
|
46.84
|
Source: Census 2001
|
Economic growth in India
has often gone hand in hand with caste and class domination and discrimination
and further reinforced social discrimination. A study carried out in Sultanpur
district of UP (Haq, 1991:254) highlights that, “since the higher castes have
almost total control over the educational structure, it tired to perpetuate
itself by making the entire educational machinery instrumental of their
influence. For example, it controls and affects election of the members of
managing committees, recruitment of teachers, administrative staff, admission
of students and their socialisation, distribution of various types of
patronages and facilities, etc. It is through the educational structure and
educational process that the values pertaining to caste like untouchability,
caste feeling, casteism, parochialism, caste superiority, caste hatred,
discrimination, etc. are transmitted and, thus, education becomes a mechanism
of traditionalisation of modernity. It is constrained to provide a conducive
environment of social and national integration and modernisation by uprooting
traditional values.”
“The trafficking of human beings has burgeoned into a
multi-billion-dollar industry that is so widespread and damaging to its victims
that it has become a cause of human security” (The Human Security Report,
2005:86). Social and economic exploitation and dependency make women and
children the first and worst victims of trafficking.
One can discuss the
political enslavement of women – enslavement that has to do with the power to
decide and to govern whether it is one’s own self or one’s body, power to
decide within the house, at the workplace or in society at large. Power is the key to politics and through politics a place and
position in the system of governance. In the given scope and time it is not possible to
elaborate on that.
Having discussed the core
issue of empowerment let us briefly examine the options and the responses given
by NGOs.
Options NGOs have made
In the forgone sections we
discussed the situation of women especially those who are from the
marginalised, socially discriminated and excluded communities. They are in many
ways enslaved and bonded. There is no doubt that interventions are required and
are made at various levels and of various kinds for women’s empowerment. There
are efforts by women for themselves (within) and some others have joined hands
to work towards freedom, dignity and equality. The greater assertion by women,
violence against them and denial that the problem exist, are all signs that
situation is changing in favour of women, slower though than many of us would
desire. The following section will briefly highlight some of the options taken
by NGOs.
The NGOs can take some
credit and some blame for the empowerment of women and lack of it. It must be
noted that the usage
of the term ‘empowerment’ as a mere jargon has diluted the meaning of the term
and has discredited those Voluntary Organisations/NGOs who are genuinely
committed to the process of empowerment of the powerless, marginalised,
tribals, dalits and women.
We argued at the onset that
NGOs have different roots and inspiration to come into existence. Also, they
are shaped by various factors and one of them is their leadership, which is
responsible for major decision in the NGOs. The caste, class and sex they
belong to, the ideological underpinning they have and the development discourse
they adhere to are some of the important factors to look at while discussing
women’s empowerment and NGOs. It is not reasonable to expect some of these
people from NGOs and NGOs they represent to take options in favour of women’s
empowerment. It is like expecting people grounded in Taliban and Hindutva
ideologies to work for secular, secure, non-violent and equalitarian State.
This is almost contradicting in terms.
Therefore, not all NGOs
take challenging and critical options and direction. Challenging would mean
options and approaches, which will often bring them in conflict with the
establishment in the area and the state they are working. It will mean that
NGOs will work with and not work for people and in areas which demand rigorous
and sustained efforts to understand the situation and social dynamics. Often it
is observed that soft options are taken whereas the hard work, soiling hands
and feet is done by some other groups and the NGOs remain at the coordinating,
networking and non-street advocacy work.
There are NGOs, which do
take hard options and are willing to forgo publicity, limelight, awards and
rewards, the so-called elite, middle- class and civil society bestow upon the
so-called NGO leaders. Remarkable work is being done in favour of people in
Jharkhand, Gujarat , Chhatisgarh and Orissa by
some of the community- based organisations of the Dalits, Adivasis and women.
The trend of career seeking
professionals aspiring to climb the ladder coming into the NGO sector does not
always help the NGOs to take hard and challenging options. They prefer softer,
non-confronted options, projects and programme often sponsored, supported by
World Bank, related foundations, and some of the government agencies. The
family- based unchanging or rotating within the family leadership in the form
of directors, managing trustees, secretaries and presidents in the NGOs often
hinder younger women and men to take leadership and provide new energy and
dynamics.
The option the NGOs have taken may be viewed in term
of the roles they have played. The initial role was that of social relief,
reforms, and health (India ),
relief and house construction in disaster prone areas (Bangladesh ). Later on, the NGOs
began to work with different communities of poor farmers, or landless labourers
or slum dwellers, with a view to providing them some aid to improve their
situation. Only recently the thinking has moved towards integrated development
of these people. This developmental role, which the NGOs have taken up include
not only - agriculture, social, medical, education, etc (OECD 1988 p.15), but
also advocacy, assisting the government, dealing with fundamental sources of
poverty, long- term involvement in development activities like promotion of
income, self-employment, fighting social injustice, gender and caste
discrimination (Heredero, 1989), for environment protection and working for
human rights.
Sen (1992) suggests two main roles the NGOs have taken
up, first, concentrating on development while acting as intermediaries between
the donor agencies and the poor. Second, concentrating on empowerment and taking
initiative to form network around popular social issues and campaigning.
However, the network advocacy is not without its criticism. Some networkings
are top down, funding oriented, selective clique-NGOs dominated, jetsetter-NGO
leaders centred. Well, it is difficult to pigeonhole the roles that the NGOs
have taken upon themselves in these last few years. Some of the roles claimed
are not clear or understood differently.
Therefore, the degree of commitment in terms of human
and financial resources and the time and energy to nature of social
issues/problems will vary from NGO to NGO. Working for the empowerment of
vulnerable, marginalised and excluded groups/communities and various sections
of people and women in particular from these communities is not easy.
Having said this one must
not lose faith in the voluntary sector as long as there are a few well meaning,
intended, and committed NGOs in the civil society. They do make a difference.
Conclusion
We
discussed the roots and approaches of NGOs and the situation of slavery and
disempowerment, the marginalised communities especially women among them face.
We also discussed the options NGOs take in response to the reality of women.
As we
conclude we need to emphasis that equity (distribution of wealth and assets)
and social justice (equality) are at the heart of development and empowerment
of people. Women's empowerment and their full participation on the basis of
equality in all spheres of society, including participation in the
decision-making process and access to power, are fundamental for the
achievement of equality, development and peace (Fourth World Conference on
Women Beijing Declaration, 1995) and for this the governments of the world, the
global market, civil society and NGOs within them need to be committed.
As endorsed in the Beijing Conference, women’s
empowerment has to do with the eradication of poverty,
doing away with social discriminations, which cannot be accomplished through
anti-poverty programmes alone but will require democratic participation and
changes in the economic structures in order to ensure access for all women to
resources, opportunities and public services.
Poverty
has various manifestations, including lack of income and productive resources
sufficient to ensure a sustainable livelihood; hunger and malnutrition; ill
health; limited or lack of access to education and other basic services;
increasing morbidity and mortality from illness; homelessness and inadequate
housing; unsafe environments; and social discrimination and exclusion. It is
also characterized by lack of participation in decision-making and in civil,
social and cultural life.
Collective,
organised and organisation-supported actions are important and make a
difference but not without the right kind of people in these organisations, and
understanding of the issue/s, commitment, motivation, development and
empowerment approaches. Not all but a
few genuine and authentic voluntary organisations and NGOs will work or support
this mandate of empowerment of women and will be ready to take hard option of
finding out the actors and factors which perpetuate the enslavement of women
and are willing to confront these people and structures that allow and
perpetuate exploitation of women.
NGOs
interested in women’s empowerment themselves will have to be geared up to
ensure that the organisational structure, work environment and leadership are
gender sensitive and gender just. The NGOs working with women for their
empowerment will have to examine the kind of leadership and the development
discourse that these leaders promote within the organisation. It might be
crucial that the NGOs revisit and critique their roots, foundational
inspiration, development, empowerment discourses and enhance their
understanding and analysis to face the human development challenges India
faces and effectively respond to them. Committed NGOs may have to develop a
critical consciousness and awareness among members within and with people they
work with, realising that sustained and sustainable development; economic
growth and women’s empowerment are possible through facilitating improvement in
the economic, social, political, legal and cultural status of women. For this,
however, “an awareness
of women’s oppression and exploitation in society, at work and within the
family, and conscious action by women and men to change this situation” (Bhasin
and Khan, 2004:4) is essential.
The NGOs and their leadership will have to
seriously look at their collective and individual religio-cultural baggage,
development discourse, and align them with the work of gender justice and
women’s empowerment. No NGO can boast of working for women’s empowerment and
ignore caste, class and religio-cultural discrimination that exist in our
organisations, institutions and country. Working for women’s empowerment then
would mean working for it within the organisation and society at large,
willingness to change and be changed.
NGOs will have to work more collaboratively
to create opportunities and environment for women’s empowerment. Experience
suggests that networks, seminars and workshops in themselves do not ensure
collaboration, cooperation and committed action. Ego, personality clashes,
competitiveness for publicity, funding and political patronage are some of the
dangers NGO networks will have to recon with.
Many NGOs will have to clean their house
first to bring in fresh air of women’s empowerment before they address the same
issue elsewhere. The story of Buddhist monk is an apt example, giving up eating
sugar himself before advising the mother of the lad who wanted her son to give
up eating sugar.
Equitable
social development that recognizes empowering the poor, particularly women, to
utilize environmental resources sustainability is a necessary foundation for
sustainable development. The Beijing Women’s Conference and the issues
discussed therein must reflect in their discourse that the success of policies
and measures aimed at supporting or strengthening the promotion of gender
equality and the improvement of the status of women should be based on the
integration of the gender perspective in general policies relating to all
spheres of society as well as the implementation of positive measures with
adequate institutional and financial support at all levels.
There is a need to work not only against
discrimination but for emancipation of women and liberation from all forms of
oppression by the state, by society and by men. Since women are victims of
exploitation (e.g. unequal pay, low wages); subordination (e.g. under male
domination); oppression (e.g. violence against women), women may be in a
slightly better position to initiate the struggle (Bhasin and Khan, 2004:5), not
that it is their responsibility alone. As experience suggests the struggle will
have to include changes
in women's mobility and social interaction; changes in women's labour patterns;
changes in women's access to and control over resources; and changes in women's
control over decision-making.
Let me
end with the words of Mahbub ul Haq, the Economist from Pakistan and an architect of the
Human Development Reports,
`The basic purpose of development is to
enlarge people's choices. In principle, these choices can be infinite and can
change over time. People often value achievements that do not show up at all,
or not immediately, in income or growth figures: greater access to knowledge,
better nutrition and health services, more secure livelihoods, security against
crime and physical violence, satisfying leisure hours, political and cultural
freedoms and sense of participation in community activities. The objective of
development is to create an enabling environment for people to enjoy long,
healthy and creative lives’ [4].
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